In 1979, Jafar's colleague, the nuclear chemist
Husain Shahristani,
was arrested on the charge
of being a member of the outlawed al-Da'awa party and had brought from
Paris secret instructions for
them. Dr. Jafar Dhia Jafar objected to the incarceration of his
colleague and was promptly put under
house arrest. In September 1981, after OSIRAK was bombed, he was
summoned by Saddam Huseein
and agreed to work on the bomb and released. He became the scientific
leader of the Iraqi nuclear
program. Also, In the 1970s he had negotiated the technical aspects of
the OSIRAK project with the
French and initialed the formal contract. After the first Gulf war in
1991, Dr. Jafar was the chief
technical liaison between the Iraqi regime and the IAEA, which, as we
all now know, succeeded in
shutting down Iraq's nuclear program well before 1999, but failed in
clearly reporting this fact to the
Security Council before the 2003 war.
In 1980 I shared the worries of the Israelis
described by Claire and
mentioned them, in person, to Dr Yuuval Neeman of the Israeli Atomic
Energy Commission(5). But as I studied
the matter I realized
that I was wrong.(6) The nuclear
research reactor OSIRAK was NOT like the DIMONA reactor, which was a
heavy water cooled reactor and a near copy of the French OSIRIS reactor
but was a light
water cooled reactor explicitly designed to be unsuited for making
plutonium.(7) This view was held by
many authorities.(8) (9)
(10) Jafar had written a report on the
subject which confirms this view(11).
I was
convinced when I visited the bombed reactor in 1982(12).
This point should not be a matter of dispute for
any nuclear physicist or engineer who can easily do the calculations
for him(her)self. Indeed, I know of
no calculation, accurate or otherwise, that claims differently.
Moreover, the IAEA was planning to
place full time inspectors in Iraq once the reactor was operational,
which would have made any
plutonium production impossible.
The main bomb program, separating uranium isotopes with Calutrons (EMIS), was unknown in the west and a surprise. The Iraqis did what I speculated about in 1983 (reference 12, page 376 bottom of middle column) "I would build a separate secret facility in another place". This secret facility was discovered by an IAEA team led by David Kaye in June 1991 (somewhat sooner than described by Hamsa) and it was destroyed. By 1988 there was also a smaller centrifuge program under the direction of Obeidi , which was also destroyed in June 1991 by order of Saddam. This was declared to the UN, together with the EMIS program, in July 1991 as part of the third Iraqi declaration. In this third declaration the centrifuge program was said to have been carried out in one of the already destroyed Tuwaitha buildings in order to save the original building in Rashdiyah, where the centrifuge tests were actually made, from destruction by the IAEA.
Following Hussein Kamel's defection to Jordan in August 1995, orders were given by Saddam Hussein to disclose all hitherto undisclosed information about the entire WMD program. Then the building, where the centrifuge work was done, was properly declared. When Kamel was interviewed in Jordan (by Dr Ekeus and Dr Ziffero)(15) he was asked: "why the Rashdiyah building was not declared?" He replied "there was absolutely nothing that remained there". The building originally "belonged to the Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation."That Iraq was interested in centrifuges was no surprise to us in the west. It was clear already in 1988 that Iraq had bought engineering drawings and parts to assemble a small centrifuge with help from German experts. I remember discussing and puzzling about the reasons for this purchase with Richard Kennedy, US ambassador to the IAEA soon afterwards. Iraq's commercial attache in Bonn (whose name has not yet been publicly disclosed) bought these centrifuge drawings for Obeidi (a chemical engineer) for the sum of 1 MUSD. In Obeidi's book he claimed that Kamel acquiesced in his hiding the drawings. In contrast Jafar writes that Obeidi claimed to have turned then over to the Special Republican Guards in May 1991, as ordered by Kamel, and insists that they should have been handed over to IAEA in 1995. They were one of the few unresolved points between Iraq and the IAEA from 1997 until 2003. But the documents, cleverly buried in his garden, eventually became Obeidi's visa to the US. But the drawings were not enough, by themselves, to make a bomb!
There is no issue that Saddam would have liked to have a nuclear bomb with which to balance Israel's arsenal and threaten his neighbors. The rest of the world had procedures, in the Non Proliferation Treaty (NPT), for preventing him while allowing a nuclear infrastructure for peaceful purposes as envisaged in Eisenhower's famous Atoms for Peace speech. The twin issues are whether Israel was right to take unilateral action - which angered many people(16) (17) and, as noted above, probably started an active, secret, bomb program, which according to Jafar, was three years short of success in 1991. Did the Israeli leaders know the technical details about OSIRAK? Monachem Begin's radio broadcast after the raid suggests that he did not(18). But maybe he only realized belatedly and the plans for OSIRAK's destruction were too far advanced to stop. On the other hand, the NPT procedures we clearly inadequate in the 1980s. I saw more in one week in 1981/2 than the IAEA inspectors because I am curious. The inspectors were only allowed to inspect what was declared. At that time it was said of Dr Hans Blix of IAEA that he could not find a grain of sand in the Sahara. Of course not if the Sahara had not been declared! Now inspections are much more intrusive. Since August 1945 the world has known how to
destroy itself.
During the cold war we were
very close to doing so. Cool heads and clear understanding of technical
details stopped us. As world
leaders contemplate the disarray of the recent NPT conference, some
leaders tend to urge action on the
basis of technically incorrect or incomplete and misleading
information. Let not us nuclear experts aid
and abet them.
1. Rodger W. Claire "Raid on the Sun: Inside Israel's Secret Campaign that Denied Iraq the Bomb" Broadway Books, (2004) pp288
2. Khidirir Hamza with Jeff Stein "Saddam's Bomb Maker" Scribner, (2000)
3. Imad Khadduri, "Iraq's nuclear mirage : memoirs and delusions" Toronto : Springhead, (2003).
4. Jafar Dhia Jafar with Numan Saadaldin al-Naimy and Lars Sigurd Sunnana, "The Assignment" (2005) Spartacus, Oslo, Norway
5. I deliberately sat next to him at a small dinner party at Harvard's faculty club. At that time I thought OSIRAK was similar to DIMONA. The information that I told Neeman was incorrect
6. Richard Wilson "Thoughts on a Muslim Bomb," Christian Science Monitor, Feb. 18, 1981.
7. Yves Girard, "Un neutron entre les Dents" (1997) Editions Rives Droite, Paris, France. Girard explained this point in more detail to Paul Lochak and myself at a private dinner on 1995
8. Report to UN Security Council by Dr Ecklund, Director-General of IAEA. 19th June 1981
9. Paper by Dr Gruemm, IAEA Bulletin, December 1981
10. Testimony in US Congress by Dr Herbert Koutz and Dr Eugene Weinstock, nuclear proliferation experts from Brookhaven National Laboratory July 1981
11. Jafar D Jafar and Imad Khaddouri "The possible production of Pu239 from the IRT 2000 (OSIRAK) reactor" Iraqi Atomic Energy Commission report October 1978 made public in 1983
12. Richard Wilson "A visit to the bombed nuclear reactor at Tuwaitha, Iraq," Nature, 302, March 31, 1983
13. Mahdi Obeidi (with Kurt Pitzer) 'The Bomb in my Garden: Secrets of Saddam's Nuclear Mastermind" John Wiley, (2004)
14. E.g. Richard Wilson "Iraq's Uranium Separation: The Huge Surprise", R. Wilson, New Outlook, Sept./Oct., 1991 p. 36.
15. The documents of the US debriefing of Hussein Kamel have been widely circulated but I believe that they are still officially secret
16. Public statements by Dr Bertrand Goldschmidt, Chairman, Board of Governors of IAEA, 9th June 1981 in most European newspapers
17. UN Security Council resolution 487 10th June 1981
18. Prime Minister Begin described (non existent) rooms under the reactor for producing and refining plutonium. It seems that he was describing the Dimona reactor buildings, details of which were made public by Mordechai Vununu in the Sunday Times in August/September 1986